There’s plenty of outrage so we aren’t going to do that. Instead, we’re creating a place with new tips, tools, insights, sources, and stories that can help us understand how to win this November.
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The most useful coalition against Trump right now might not be a partisan one at all — it’s the bipartisan backlash to data centers eating up power, water, and land in people’s backyards.
On The Bulwark Daily, David Wallace-Wells walked through how opposition to AI’s massive infrastructure buildout is uniting red and blue communities alike, as residents watch electricity bills spike and water tables drop to feed server farms that create few local jobs. That’s a rare opening: it’s an issue where being right doesn’t require anyone to first agree with us about Trump, which makes it a genuine wedge in districts we need but haven’t always been able to reach on values alone. Watch for state and local candidates who pick this up first — being the one who fought the data center, not just the one who opposed the president, could be the difference in some of the most Trump-friendly seats on our target list.
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A Missouri judge just showed us exactly how Republicans plan to hold the House — not by winning more votes, but by making sure fewer of them count.
Judge Daniel Green upheld the GOP’s mid-decade gerrymander of Kansas City this week, blocking a referendum that more than 30,000 Missourians had signed onto specifically to save Rep. Emanuel Cleaver’s seat, and he ruled that changing the map now would create an equal-protection problem because the state’s primaries already ran under it. That’s the trap Republicans are counting on nationwide: once a rigged map survives long enough to run one election, courts treat it as settled, which is exactly why Texas, North Carolina, Missouri, Ohio, Florida, Tennessee, Alabama, and Louisiana all raced to redraw lines the moment Trump asked them to. The fight isn’t dead — Missouri’s Supreme Court hears the appeal Sep 2 — but it’s a reminder that every dollar we put into a competitive seat now is worth more than a dollar spent after the maps lock in.
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CO-8’s Gabe Evans is betting his reelection on a Trump who’s underwater almost everywhere except the one district he actually needs to win.
Colorado’s 8th is essentially a coin-flip seat — Trump carried it by 2 points in both 2016 and 2024 while Biden won it by 5 in 2020, which is part of why its one of our Top Impact Races. The Republican incumbent, Gabe Evans, has stuck close to the administration, campaigning alongside Energy Secretary Chris Wright and Speaker Mike Johnson even as Trump’s statewide numbers keep sliding. His yes vote on the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which is estimated will cut Colorado Medicaid spending by 16%, is already being used against him by challenger Democratic State Rep. Manny Rutinel, who is positioned to make him pay for it. This is precisely the kind of race our impact score exists to find: not a district where Trump is a slam-dunk liability, but one that’s a genuine toss-up, where our outside investment can be the deciding factor. Our campaign to attack Evans is already underway and it needs your support. Don’t miss your chance to help flip this critical seat.
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Donate today to our Flip 5 to Take The House Campaign
Take direct action to target vulnerable Republicans this Spring. Our campaign to flip 5 seats is focused on targeting Republican incumbents and tying them to Trump’s abuse of power and corruption. We can take power together. Support our campaign now.
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Democrats already have a winning playbook — the open question is whether the party’s national apparatus can be trusted to run it.
On Kara Swisher’s podcast, Ben Wikler laid out the organizing model that helped Wisconsin Democrats claw back a competitive democracy: year-round organizing infrastructure instead of campaign-season sprints, paired with structural fixes like ending partisan gerrymandering and adding Supreme Court term limits. But that same week, the New York Times reported that DNC headquarters is so cash-strapped it’s asking vendors to hold their bills until after the midterms, and that chairman Ken Martin — isolated, anxious about his job, and reportedly caught throwing his phone at a junior aide’s desk — is running the party through the kind of dysfunction Wikler’s plan is supposed to fix. This is the problem we are unwilling to wait to fix itself. This is why we built an independent, dollar-for-dollar way to fund the races that matter instead of waiting on headquarters to get its act together in time.
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